After the long anti-Ershad movement, in 1991, the BNP came to power, stunning the Awami League. Begum Khaleda Zia governed the country remarkably well during her five-year term. I always believed that if industrialists entered politics, it would be good for the country. They wouldn’t be inclined to steal, and instead, would work for the nation. That year, about 62 industrialists became MPs and ministers with BNP tickets. Among them was Harunur Rashid Khan Monno, the Managing Director of Monno Ceramics.
I joined Monno in 1990, just a year before that, as a Public Relations Officer. Surprisingly, Mr. Monno grew very fond of me and entrusted me with managing his political affairs. For me, it was a huge challenge, and I carried out that responsibility until 2002. Mr. Monno was, through and through, an honest politician and entrepreneur. He was also a philanthropist. Today, people like him are incredibly rare.
Then in 1996, the Awami League came to power. They too nominated many industrialists. The Awami League’s rise to power was expected, and Sheikh Hasina also governed the country effectively during her five-year term. In 2001, the BNP returned to power. A democratic pattern had begun to take shape. All three elections were held under neutral caretaker governments, and they were relatively fair. Parliament was vibrant—something that happens when there’s a strong opposition. I witnessed the proceedings of Parliament closely for nearly a decade.
But after that, things began to change. The hunger for power started consuming the political parties. The events of 1/11 (January 11 political crisis) disrupted everything. After that, the Awami League clung to power continuously. Over the past fifteen years, they haven’t allowed any real elections. They established an authoritarian regime. Ministers, MPs, and their associates became entangled in corruption. Last year, the Awami League fell due to a massive public uprising. Most of its leaders fled abroad and are now living luxurious lives. Meanwhile, their grassroots workers and supporters are suffering—many are in jail. Yet, they haven’t turned their backs on the Awami League. They still believe Sheikh Hasina did no wrong and will return one day. These blind loyalists are the Awami League’s true strength.
Now, a caretaker government led by Professor Yunus is in power. They are focused on reforms. Several commissions have been formed, and they’re actively working. The government’s success is becoming visible in many areas. Law and order is quite good now. Commodity prices are under control. Despite that, political parties aren’t entirely satisfied. They want elections soon. They want a roadmap—especially the BNP. The new party called NCP, which is essentially Jamaat in a new form, doesn’t want elections right away. The NCP was a major stakeholder in the movement. Still, the BNP’s demand is valid. They were the ones who led the protests, endured repression, and faced arrests. Khaleda Zia spent years in solitary confinement despite being innocent. Tarique Rahman led the party from exile. Many believe that in Bangladesh’s political culture, elections alone aren’t enough to restore democracy. Without reform, there’s no guarantee that the same events won’t repeat.
On the surface, it may seem like BNP and Jamaat are enjoying the taste of power. But there are complaints that BNP’s grassroots leaders and activists have gone out of control, even though the party’s high command has taken a tough stance on such issues. The BNP must be cautious now. The public is observing their every move. People are watching them. The BNP needs to move beyond old-school politics. Mere theoretical rhetoric won’t win hearts. They need to do something unique—something that inspires hope among the people.
The caretaker government has announced that elections will be held between December this year and June next year. For people outside Dhaka, the activities or intentions of the interim government don’t resonate as much as the rustic rhetoric of political parties. This is a habit that has developed over time. Swedish writer and historian Johannes Norgberg said that in the absence of democracy, people seek security, not possibilities. He presents this idea in his book The Progress. The post-uprising talking class that has emerged now prefers air-conditioned conference rooms. There’s no sign of any significant social transformation in rural areas following the anti-inequality uprising. We must remember that Bangladesh is not just a collection of a few cities. Unless the rural population is engaged with the new political reality, no major outcomes can be expected.
Another important point is that no matter how good the governance is, if it doesn’t bring a sense of comfort to the public, its continuity cannot be ensured. The downfall of Sheikh Hasina was rooted in public dissatisfaction. People can tolerate slower development. What they want is peace of mind. After August 5, allegations have emerged against BNP and Jamaat regarding extortion, turf wars, clashes, and even killings. People had stood against Sheikh Hasina with hopes of peace, security, and dignity. But now, new discomforts are emerging in public life. This is the biggest challenge for the caretaker government.
