There has been a significant backlash after Dr. Yunus introduced Mahfuz Abdullah as the ‘mastermind’ of the July-August revolution at the Clinton Global Initiative Leaders Stage. Even Nahid Islam, a close advisor to Dr. Yunus, has publicly disagreed with this characterization.
In response to a query about labeling someone as the ‘mastermind’ of such a widespread movement, Nahid stated, ‘The anti-inequality student movement was primarily a platform for ordinary students. Although various political figures were involved, there was no singular leader driving the movement. It was the collective efforts of the people that propelled it forward. At a certain point, many individuals offered guidance on how to steer the movement. The person specifically mentioned provided us with valuable advice.
He said, ‘Neither he (Mahfuz Alam) nor any of us agree with the term mastermind.'”
It appears that a key member of Dr. Yunus’ interim government has opposed the term “mastermind.”
As far as I know, 55 coordinators played a role in advancing the July-August movement. When the quota movement evolved into a 9-point demand, and then further into a one-point movement for the ultimate overthrow of the government, there was a need for planning and advice during those times. The slogans for the movement, the final stage term “Bangla Blocked,” must have originated from someone.
But when one tries to limit this to the achievements of a person holding the highest position of the state, others may feel deprived. Achievements should have been left open rather than limited.
Even the army chief, Wakar-uz-Zaman, could consider himself the mastermind behind the July-August movement. Because the army under his command faced the student-public movement at that time and did not take any action, rather played a silent role. It can be further mentioned that the speeches given by the army chief Wakar at a meeting of soldiers held on August 3rd had largely helped the movement to gain momentum and reach its ultimate goal. Especially, by excluding the generals and listening to the experiences of ordinary soldiers in the meeting and by making those speeches public, he had sent a message to the protesters that the army would not stand against the people. The army chief Wakar said at the end of the meeting that the army would stand by the people. This was a clear message that the army was not on the side of the government. They would be with the people and would not take any action against them.
At that meeting, the Chief of Army Staff, General Wakar, referenced two songs by Ayub Bacchu: ‘I didn’t fall in love, love fell on me’ and ‘If you cry too much, I’ll fly you to the sky.’ These lines from the General’s speech were quite suggestive. Interestingly, the content of this military meeting was made public almost immediately. Usually, the details of military meetings aren’t disclosed, but in this case, everyone knew what was discussed soon after the meeting ended.
Following this meeting, anti-discrimination student leaders decided to bring forward their Bengali blockade by a day, from August 6th to August 5th. The subsequent history is well-known. The tide of people towards the Governor’s House was unstoppable and ultimately reached its destination.
So, even if General Wakar believes he was a mastermind of July-August, where could he have gone wrong? Couldn’t he have considered this possibility?
All those who were in this movement can expect their achievement. The achievement cannot be attributed to the whole, not to a single individual.
So to recognize someone specifically as the “mastermind” of the movement would belittle the achievements of every person who participated in the movement, which would create frustration among everyone.
Dr. Before talking about the inclusive society Yunus talks about, he needs to understand this first.
Toronto, Canada
