Until August 5, the only target of the Awami League leaders and activists was the BNP. They couldn’t digest their meals without cursing Khaleda Zia and Tarique Rahman at least once a day. It was almost like a religious ritual. The Awami League was the one keeping the BNP alive—especially Obaidul Quader. It was the Awami League who reminded people every day that a party named BNP still existed. Compared to that, Jamaat was much less persecuted. And no party was as content and comfortable as the Jatiya Party. For fifteen long years, it lived a relaxed life like a parasitic plant—enjoying government cars, houses, businesses, and power. Meanwhile, the BNP was continuously oppressed. Khaleda Zia spent countless days in solitary confinement in prison.
Yet, the BNP couldn’t manage to free their leader through movement. Not even to send her abroad for medical treatment. And this is despite the BNP being the largest and most popular political party in the country. They consistently opposed autocracy and never compromised.
Although the students triggered the events of August 5, the BNP’s contributions cannot be denied. The party has endured long struggles, protests, imprisonments, and oppression. A background for change was already forming. However, it would be inaccurate if the BNP claimed full credit for the fall of the Awami League. The real catalyst here was the NCP.
After the interim government came to power, for some almost miraculous reason, the Awami League people stopped uttering a single word against the BNP. In fact, they became quite sympathetic toward them. All their anger and frustration are now directed at Professor Yunus. If possible, they’d want to cut him into pieces. Politics is truly a fascinating thing—hard for ordinary people to understand. Its twists and turns are complex. Enemies can turn into friends in an instant. Just like now, BNP is the Awami League’s closest ally, and their biggest enemy is the interim government.
Right now, there’s a dispute over the election. The government says they will definitely organize elections by June 2026. They want to implement proper reforms and hold fair elections. But BNP is unwilling to accept that. They want both reforms and elections by December of this year. Otherwise, they are threatening to start a movement.
It’s true that if an unelected government stays in power for too long, various mishaps could happen. But if the reasons that sparked the movement in the first place are not addressed, then what’s the point of holding an election? Elections alone don’t solve everything.
Many believe that BNP is rushing too much. On the other hand, there are people demanding that Professor Yunus stay in power for a longer time. Perhaps BNP is confident that they’ll win the election—which might explain their urgency. However, if the student movement hadn’t brought down the previous government, BNP would likely have had to wait many more years—perhaps five more—for elections. So what harm could possibly come from a mere six-month delay now? That remains unclear. BNP should consider cooperating with the government. Still, there’s hope that the interim government will keep its word. Legal advisor Asif Nazrul has clearly stated that elections will be held by June 2026.
Let’s see how things unfold.
